Saturday 27 December 2008

အသွ်င္...၅...


-အိုေမတၱာသွ်င္........ေလထုကို...စား၍...က်ြနု္ေတာ္ကို...
ထုဆိုက္...ခရယ္...ပုဂၢိဳလ္...သည္...ဇာသို႔...ပါလဲ....
ေအ႔...ခုထိ...လမ္းတိ...မဆံုးဇီ...ရ...ခမ္းသိမ္႔ေၾကာင္႔....စီရင္နီတံုးလား....
-အိုေမတၱာသွ်င္.........တခါေလ႔... နွတ္စကား...မဆိုဖူးေသာ...
ထိုသူ၏...ရိွဳင္းၿပမူသည္...က....မီးေလာင္ၿပင္က....အမိမဲ႔အဘုေခ်ကို....
.မီးခိုလံုးတိနဲ...မိွူင္းတိုက္ထားပိုင္ပါရာ.....
-အိုေမတၱာသွ်င္.....မၿပံဴးတတ္္တယ္...မ်က္နွုာနဲ...ရီဓာတ္ဆုတ္ခန္းနီရယ္....
က်ြန္ွုပ္ခနၱာ...မွာ....ပန္းပ်ိဳးသူ....အသွ်င္...ေမတၱာလကၤာနဲ...သိဂၤါရတရား...
ေအာက္ကိုေရာက္ဇီခဗ်ယ္...
-အိုေမတၱာသွ်င္....က်ြန္ုပ္၏...၀ိညည္႔သည္... ညဥ့္အခါ၌ပင္..
အာကာ...ခုနိွုက္ထပ္..တက္၍...
နိဗါန္ ...တတူတူ...ကူးရဇီေၾကာင္း...ေတာင္းဆုၿခီြမိလီေရ....

Wednesday 24 December 2008

အသွ်င္... ၄


မိုးထ..တိ...
အိတ္ဖန္ေစာင္႔...မွာ...
အေပ်ာ္ဆံုး...အိမ္မက္...
ၿပာသိုလ...၁၂ ရက္..

Thursday 4 December 2008

အသွ်င္


-ပန္း အ ေပါင္းရိုသည္
္ညီညာစြာ တန္းစီ၍
သိုတ္စါ အဓိဋါန္ ကို ...
သံၿပိဳႈင ္ ရႊတ္ဆု ိကက္ လီ ၏..........

""""""အ က်ြန္ရုိ့ သည္...
သခင္မ..အလုိက်
ခယ ၀ပ္တြား၍
အသွ်င္ ...ထံပသို့
သိဂၤါရ တရား က
ိုေဆာင္ၾကည္း ပီးပါမည္..ဟု
ုအဓိဋာန္ ၿပဳပါ၏ .....""""

ပမာ


-ပ်ံသင္စ...ငွက္္ေခ်မွာ
လႊင္ပါလာ...ကမ္းပါးစြန္းက
အေတာင္္တိ...မစံုရဘဲ
လွဴးလိန္းတခါ...
ငိုႀကြီးနီရ...

-ပူျပင္းရယ္...
မြတ္သိတ္မႈႏွဲ
အရိပ္မဲ...သလာျပင္မွာ
ကိုးရားမဲ...
ညဥ့္ဆုိးတိက
အလွ်ံညီွည.ီွ..ေတာက္ေလာင္နီယင္...

-လက္တဲြကူ...ေဖာ္မပါရယ္
္အိပ္ၿခင္းမဲ့...တံလွ်က္ျပင္းတိက
ခဲ၀ါအိုတစ္အုပ္...အေခ်ာင္းခံရပိုင္
္နာေပ်ာ္လို...မေကာင္းေအာင္
ျငိဳျငင္ခံရ ဇီျခင္းလား...

-ဂရုဏာမဲ့...
ၾသကာသ၏မရိုးသားရယ္...
စြန္႔ပိုက္မႈေၾကာင့္
ေတေဇာကို...ရက္လုပ္
မြတ္သိပ္မႈကို...အရီျခံဳ
အာဃာတ(စစ္ခြီး)တိ...မာန္ဖီရယ္
္လၿခမ္းေၿမ...အဖၿပည္မွာ
အဘုေခ်တိ...အမ်ားႀကီး
အသက္ရွင္ နီကက္ယင္....

-ရင္ခ်င္းအပ္...ပခံုးခ်င္းဆက္
စိတ္တိကို...တန္းစီ
အိမ္မက္ကို...စုတ္ခ်က္
ငါရို့...ရီးနီ ကတ္ကယ္...
ပြင့္ရယ္...ပန္းတုိင္း
လန္းနီ ဇီဗ်ယ ္...ေယ...

အယဥ္ေတာ္


-အမုန္းမဲ...
ဆတ္စပ္စီရာ
အၿပဳံးသက္...
အိမ္မက္ တိမွာ

-ဗ်ာဗါစံ...
ဆံသြယ္ထံုးေယြက
အၿပီး..ကစပ္ ..စရာေခ်..........
-လက္ပံပြင့္ငယ္...
ေလေ၀ွ့ဇီလာ
အေခ်ာ့ပ႑ာေခ်...
တိမ္တိုက္တိမွာ
ၿမဴးယိွုင္သာ...
ပန္းေခ်လြင့္ပါ...လို့..
မရီး...အပါးသုိ့...ေယ.......

စိတ္ေတာ္ၿဖယ္


*ခ်ရပြင့္...ရွက္သြယ္.....
သီပဏာ..ကံုး၍
ဆံဦးကင္းမွာ.........ဆုတည္လည္။
*လီၿပည့္ရဴးတခ်က္.... .
ရင္ကို..ဟပ္...၍
ပန္းတိ....ကုေဋကုဠာ....
ရြာဇိ..လည္။

*အသွ်င္........အလွ....
စၾကာလြမ္း၍
အၿပဳံး..၀လာ...ပြင့္ကာ...
စိတ္ေတာ္ၿဖယ္။

*အာရံု...မုိးေသာက္....
နွင္းမံႉေကာက္၍
က်ီးငွက္...သံခ်ဳိ........
တြန္ၾကဴးလည္။

*ေခ်ာင္းၿဖား...ေသာင္ယံ...
သဲ မႉန္္ဆန္ ...၍
တံလွ်ပ္...၀ီခြဲ.......
ၿမီ....ခဇီ.....လည္။

*ပန္းဇင္း...ဆြမ္းခံ.....
ေလွ်ာက္ေတာ္...ရပ္....၍
အသီးေတာ္.....ကပ္ခါ....
ဆုပန္လည္။

*မုဏိမဟာ...
ၿမတ္ကိုယ္ေတာ္...ကို.......
လက္စံုဖူး၍စိတ္ေတာ္ၿဖယ္....ေၾကာင္း.....
ေတာင္းဆုလည္။

၁၆.၁၁.၀၈

Sunday 30 November 2008

Metta


Metta
We have two mental states that opposite to one another. They are Dosa and Metta. Dosa means anger or hatred in English. Metta means loving- kindness. Dosa is evil and harmful while Metta is good and beneficial.Dosa hinders knowledge. While Dosa pervades one's mind he knows nothing in the correct perspective. The Buddha says: "An angry person knows not the welfare of himself and of others."People love themselves. But they can commit suicide through Dosa. People love their fathers and mothers. But they can commit matricide and patricide while their minds are full of Dosa.The Buddha says: "An angry person commits matricide; and angry person commits patricide."Dosa is a powerful destructive vice. It is a great destroyer in the world. Dosa is a mental state which often instigates crime.Hatred proliferates hatred. One's hatred engenders hatred in another. An angry face cannot soften another's heart. "Hatred never ceases through hatred" says the Buddha.Through hatred, we cannot construct "peace." Through hatred, we cannot live happy lives. Through hatred, we cannot make friends. Through hatred, we cannot unite a society.Dosa (hatred), is harmful to peace. It is harmful to society. It is harmful to spiritual progress. This harmful Dosa, hatred, must be expelled from us.How do we expel that extremely harmful hatred from us?The Buddha taught us: "Mettamust be developed in order to expel Dosa, hatred."What is Metta?Metta is a mental state that is non-hatred or loving-kindness. Metta is defined as the spirit of a true friend. Metta is the sincere wish for the welfare and happiness of all living beings without exception.Metta is compared to a mother's love towards her child. The Buddha says: 'just as a mother protects her only child even at the risk of her life, even so one I should cultivate boundless loving-kindness towards all living beings." The mother loves her own child. Mettahowever, loves all.How do you make Metta grow in your heart?First of all, you must think thus: You love yourself. So should you love others. You desire happiness and health. So should you think of other people's happiness and health.To make Metta grow in your heart, you should always think of the others' lovable qualities. Don't try to find faults with others. Upon the others' lovable qualities make your Metta grow. Through finding faults, you cannot grow Metta in your heart. Tolerance and forgiveness fortify Metta against hatred.You must keep your Metta alive in your heart. Try to feel love to all in mind at anytime, anywhere. Show always your Metta towards others through your physical actions. Show your Metta towards others through verbal actions. Render good for evil. Render help to those in need.In the Buddhist way, if you develop your Metta you can attain the stage of Jhana.If you attain Jhana, the higher concentration, you will experience the eleven consequences of Metta.When your heart is full of Metta:You sleep happily.You awake happily.You never have a nightmare.ou are favoured by human beings.You are favoured by non-human beings.You will be guarded by deities.You will not be affected by fire, poisons or weapons.You can easily succeed in attaining concentration.You can keep your face ever serene -and lovely,When you die, you die without confusion.If you have not attained the highest knowledge yet, you will be reborn in the Brahma world.If Metta prevails in your heart, there is no place for hatred, The Metta concentration paves the way to achieve insight knowledge. The insight knowledge leads to enlightenment. Through the enlightenment you can attain Nibbana, the supreme happiness;May you all be happy!May you all attain Nibbana!

Wednesday 12 November 2008

The First Burman to visit Europe


The First Burman to visit Europe.
Dom Martin 1606 -1643, The first Burman to visit EuropeM. S. Collis in collaboration with U San Shwe Bu2/7/2008It is the object of this paper to explain who Dom Martin was, why as an Arakanese he had a Portuguese name and how it happened that he paid a visit to Portugal. The story is extraordinary and romantic, but were I to plunge into it without some sort of a preliminary summary of the political situation in the Bay of Bengal at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the result would be unintelligible, a flux of kings, priests, noblemen and pirates, and the Arakanese fortuitously appearing here, the Moghul there, Portuguese everywhere, the whole having the complexion of a cinema drama. In consequence I must trespass upon your patience and preface as briefly as possible his adventures with an historical survey. For the purpose of this view, I select the year 1610 A.D. Readers of my previous studies in Arakanese history will be aware that in that year the Arakanese empire was at the height of its destiny. Razagri was king and his territory stretched from the eastern mouths of the Ganges delta to the delta of the Irrawaddy. In his employ or under his protection were certain groups of Portuguese. Of these, one consisted of the Portuguese mercenaries in his home army and navy, chiefly gunners and engineers; another of traders who had been allowed to build a settlement at Dianga, near the city of Chittagong, on condition that they helped to defend the Chittagong frontier against the Moghul. The Moghul had by 1610 taken over the administration of Bengal and in consequence their territory marched with Chittagong. They were Razagri’s most serious pre-occupation. Portuguese also lived under their protection and at Hugli, on the river of that name, maintained a trading settlement. Besides these groups of Portuguese, the mercenaries in Arakan, the traders at Dianga and at Hugli, there was in the Bay a further group of Portuguese who lived at Sandwip Island within some thirty miles of the Chittagong river. As this group plays an important part in this history, it must be described in some details. King of this island was the famous pirate, Gonsalves Tibau. This man had come out to the East in 1605 as a soldier. In 1607 he had accumulated sufficient money to enable him to purchase a small ship, which he loaded with salt and in which he sailed to Dianga to trade. By a piece of bad luck he happened to put in there on the very day that Razagri was punishing the Portuguese for some treachery or other. As a result, his ship was confiscated and his two years savings were lost. Completely ruined, he gathered round him others who like himself had been reduced to poverty, turned pirate and preyed on the Arakan coast with such success that 1609 he had a well equipped sea force of 40 sail and 400 men. With this he attacked the island of Sandwip, then occupied by one of the Moghul’s men, and proclaiming himself King. It was a rich island inhabited by Hindus. Moreover being situated on the mouth of the Megna, it enabled him to erect custom houses and collect dues from trading ships. Piratical excursions were also undertaken into Delta rivers of the vicinity. By these means he soon acquired funds and is stated in 1610. the date of this survey, to have had a force of a thousand Portuguese and eighty ships with cannon. It must be insisted that Tibau’s sovereignty was real. The Viceroy of Goa had no control over him. By 1610 he had become so prominent and important a figure in the Bay the Razagri, who was contemplating a brush with the Moghul in the matter of a frontier dispute, invited Tibau to co-operate with him on the naval side. It is sufficient for the purpose of this paper to say that Tibau, to whom the control of the Arakanese fleet had been given, turned round at the last moment, allowed Razagri’s land force to be taken at a disadvantage and routed by the Moghul, himself seized the Arakanese fleet, murdered its officers, enslaved its crews and in the general confusion that followed harried the Arakan coast. Razagri returned to Mrauk-U and we can sympathie with him if he took the view that Gonsalves Tibau was the most underhand black villain that any gentleman could be fool enough to trust. Such is a summary of the political situation in the Bay in 1610 and with so much clear in the mind’s eye it is possible to advance upon the story of the subject of this paper. In 1610 Razagri had appointed his younger son, Min Mangri, Viceroy of Chittagong. A son or a brother of the Arakanese kings was usually posted to that charge and there was nothing unusual in Rasagri’s choice except that Min Mangri was not on good terms with the heir to the throne, Min Khamaung his elder brother. This latter was a wild young man. As I have noted elsewhere, in association with the poet Ugga Byan he attempted three times to assassinate his father. Min Mangri urgued, probably with much truth, that an individual upon whom family ties lay so lightly, would make short work of him, hisdetested brother, when he came to the throne. At the very least Min Mangri saw himself deprived of his Viceroyaltly. He therefore cast about for an ally, some one who would lend him support when the inevitable blow fell, some one who would perhaps be strong enough not only to save him from his brother but to put him in his brother’s place. The obvious person to fullfil these requirements was the pirate-king Gonsalves Tibau. Min Mangri therefore sent an embassy to him, suggesting a treaty of alliance. The proposal was admirably suited to the immediate needs of the Prince of Sandwip. That worthy, after his seizure of the Arakanese fleet and his harrying of the coast of Arakan, was in the worst odour at Mrauk-U Min Mangri’s proposal was in effect to provide him with a strong friend in the enemy’s camp, one to protect him from the vengeance he feared and who with good luck might facilitate further lucrative raids. In short he accepted the offer. It was decided to seal it by the marriage of Min Mangri’s daughter with Tibau’s son. Min Mangri had three children, two daughters and a son. In this year of 1610 his son was four years old. It was year of 1610 his son was four years old. It was this son who afterwards became known as Dom Martin and went to Europe. But I must not anticipate. We are now engaged in describing the nuptials of his elder sister. It was agreed that on her marriage she should take the Catholic faith, for Tibau, though a ruffian, was very careful to observe the forms of his religion. Manrique, whom we follow here, states that in this affair the swashbuckler derived his greatest satisfaction from the feeling that he was the divine instrument in saving a soul from damnation. This point need not be pressed. Suffice it to say that he selected as emissary to Chittagong Father Rafael of Santa Monica. This friar was to covert the pricess to Catholicism and afterwards conduct her to Sandwip. Father Rafael spoke Arakanese fluently. He was also much loved by the country people, to whom he appeared a saint. When he came to a village, he used to paint a red cross on the foreheads of the children who pressed up to kiss his hand. The parents recongnising this as some holy symbol allowed it to remain until obliterated by the weather. Such is the amiable picture of the ecclesiastic sent by the pirate-king of Sandwip to further his political machinations. That Father Rafael was a genuine holy man is bone out by the fact that Gonsalves found it very difficult to make him fall in with his ideas of how a Portuguese envoy on so important a mission should conduct himself. The Religious would have much preferred to stroll into the city of Chittagong incognito or recognized only by the poor and children. This did not suit Tibau’s conception of the entry of a matrimonial embassy. But when father Rafael was asked to sail up the Chittagong river in galley with flags flying and bands playing, he flatly refused. The pirate then resorted to a stratagem. Father Rafael started from Sandwip in a common sort of boat accompanied by one catechist. After he had left, ten of the best galleys, with embroidered awnings, musicians and well dressed gentlemen on the quarter deck, proceeded by another route and reached the Chittagong river before his arrival. There they waited, anchoring a little below the jetty. When his small boat came up, the captain of the galleys boarded it and delivered to the Father a letter from Gonsalves, begging him to enter Chittagong in state. Father Rafael was about to refuse, when he noticed that the jetty was crowded with the local nobility and gentry that the bnds had struck up, that the artillery had commenced the salute and that an immense mob behind was clamouring to know what the delay was about and why the Portuguese ships did not approach. Under the circumstances the Father perceived that his original intention of landing from his little boat had become ridiculous and yielding with the best grace possible, he went aboard the captain’s galley. This was the signal for weighing anchor. The galleys advanced towards the jetty, the crew rowing with a calculated rhythm, the soldiers standing at the salute while the band played the martial airs of Portugal. Father Rafael of Santa Monica landed. The waiting nobles received him with great ceremony; the City Magistrate was presented to him; in a body they moved in towards the street. There eleven elephants were waiting. The creature with the gilt howdah was for the Father. He was led up to it by the City Magistrate, who with the accepted gestures intimated that it was a present from the Viceroy. At the same time he gave the Father a parasol and told the elephant to kneel. The public reception on the jetty had been very trying for the Father though he had carried it through, returning salutation for salutation. But now the kneeling elephant and the gilded parasol overcame him. He could not be induced to mount. Thanking the City Magistrate profusely, he firmly said he could not parade through the City on that beast, and calling his catechist he began to walk. This made the Portuguese captains, for whom other elephants had been provided, look blank and it scandalized the City Magistrate. But there was nothing for it, all had to fall in on foot behind the Father and in this manner they made their way towards the palace. Yet the priest walking made a more vivid impression on the populace than had ha been seated in a howdah; his action was in accordance with oriental ideas of how a holy man should behave; and the Viceroy coming to meet him as far as the gate on the third circumvallation, received him with the ceremonies prescribed for the reception of saints. On entering the palace Father Rafael was introduced to the Viceroy’s three children, the eldest being the princess whom he had first to convert. The youngest, as already mentioned, was a boy of four years old, the Viceroy’s heir, grandson of King Razagri and the subject of this paper. Father Rafael asked the princess whether of her own free will she wished to become a Christian. To this she replied with reserve that she desired first to hear expounded the Catholic dogmas and asked for time to listen to the Father’s argument. Where upon the Viceroy summoned the Chief Eunuch and ordered him to admit the Father at any hour into the princess’s apartments. “Thanks to this ample permission and to help from the above” explains Manrique, the Religious soon silenced the princess’s objections. He continued however, to expound and now that he knew she was won over he had no scruples in describing in detail the tortures of the demand. “All those who die unbaptised are damned” he added. This frightened the princess, who burst into tears, asking pretended to be in no hurry and spoke of a baptism on her arrival at Sandwip. But she thinking of hell’s flames and now thoroughly alarmed, cried “Supposing I was to die on the voyage!” and without an instant’s delay told one of the girls to bring in a can of water, there and then forcing the Father to baptize her. A few days later Father Rafael conducted her to Sandwip where amid great rejoicings she was married to Tibau’s son. This sealed the alliance between Min Mangri, Viceroy of Chittagong and Gonslaves Tibau, King of Sandwip. The former now felt that he could at least resist his brother Min Khamaung, if he was unable to supplant him. Tibau acquired tone and influence; increased his exactions on ships entering the Megna, accumulated treasure and dreamed of a future sack, perhaps assisted by Min Mangri, of Mrauk-U itself. When Razagri heard of this marriage and realized that this younger son was now allied with the ruffian who had treacherously seized his fleet, harried his coasts and who certainly must be supposed to harbour further designs against himself, he became uneasy. He had every reason to be. The Arakanese MS. histories relate that some eighteen months after the events described Min Mangri broke out into rebellion against his father, declaring himself an independent ruler, no doubt with the intention as the next step, of seizing with the assistance of Tibau the throne of Mrauk-U. So it happened that in 1612 Razagri sent an army against him under the Crown Prince Min Khamaung upon whom he could depend to operate with industry, as it was his own inheritance that was threatened. Chittagong was besieged. Min Mangri had secured from Gonselves Tibau the services of four hundred Portuguese, who were placed at points of vantage on the walls. The leager dragged on. After four months the citizens were starving and lost heart. They sent a message to Min Khamaung to say that they would be glad to surrender the city to him but that this could not be effected, because the Portuguese forces had taken control of the operations. Certain efforts were then made to deflect the Portuguese. These failed and Min Khamaung ordered a more violent assault. The defence began to waver and to stiffen his men Min Mangri himself paraded the walls at the head of his staff. Unfortunately becoming involved in a melee, he was struck by a musket ball and mortally hurt. They carried him into the harem, after he had abjured the Portuguese to continue the defence, as the fall of the city would mean the murder of his children. These perceiving that the Viceroy’s death was imminent and that it would be followed in spite of their efforts, by the surrender of the inhabitants of Chittagong to their liege lord, the King of Arakan, decided to apprise Gonsalves Tibau of these things and invite him to contrive some way of saving the young prince and his sister. Tibau received the intelligence, but did not wish openly to be involved in the rescue of the children. His alliance with Min Mangri had not borne fruit and with the death of that Prince he would again be politically isolated. In such a position he did not desire the embarrassment of the Viceroy’s heir, who, a child of six, without a state and proscribed could be of no service and might draw to him the inconvenient attack of the King of Arakan. On the contrary he had no wish to abandon the children, who were his son and daughter-in-law; moreover at some future date it might be convenient for him to have an heir to the Arakanese throne up his sleeve. The trusty friar, Father Rafael of Santa Monica, was therefore summoned and directed to enter the beleaguered city and evacuate thence the young prince and his sister by artifice. The Father was ready enough to go as he scented two new converts. Disguised as a mendicant, he made an entry which was as private as his earlier arrival at that city had been public, and discovering himself to the Portuguese officers, was taken to the palace. The Chief Eunuch, acting on old instructions, made no difficulty about admitting him into the seraglio, where he found the Viceroy in articulo mortis. This somewhat dashed the Father, for he had counted upon him being at that balance, where, sufficiently conscious to hear his exhortations, he would be sufficiently near his dissolutions to desire to comply with them. He hazarded indeed, a question or two, hinting at the consolations he was able to dispense. But the Prince was too far gone to apostosize. He died a pagan. The woman immediately set up a lament, but Father Rafael had sufficient presence of mind to compose them. It was essential, he pointed out, to keep for a while the Viceroy’s death a secret. If the courtiers heard wailing, it would be over the city in a moment that Min Mangri was dead and the Arakanese would come pouring in before he could get the children away. The ladies saw the same of this and the court dancing girls were ordered to sing their drollest ditties. Suspicion quieted, the Father made his preparations. That night taking the children he escaped with them down a subterranean passage to the sea, where a galley was waiting. Embarking on it, they held on past Sanwip till Hugli, the Portuguese settlement, was reached. Here within the Moghul dominion they were safe from their uncle’s vengeance, safer than they would have been at Sandwip. Meanwhile Min Khamaung had entered Chittagong without opposition and after attending his brother’s funeral immediately called for his nephew and niece. When they were not forthcoming, he suspected Tibau, but it was not until afterwards that he learnt they had escaped to the Moghul. Foiled in this, he finished his business and returned to Mrauk-U, where later in the year he succeeded his father. At Hugli the young prince began his eduction at the convent of St. Nicholas. The Prior reported his case to the Viceroy at Goa and it was decited on no account to press him while still a child to become a Catholic. But funds were made available to give him the training of a Portuguese nobleman. His sister was taken into the house of one of the leading citizens of the town and there cared for in the same manner. From six to thirteen the young prince remained in the convent. The Fathers selected for his perusal Catholic devotional works and histories of the heroes of Portugal. As time went on his reading of the lives of the saints and of the great men of Spain and Portugal, of the conquest of Peru and Mexico and of the fabulous voyages of the mariners, his close association with the leading gentlemen of Hugli and the personal tuition he received from his master, Father Antonio de San Vincente - all these influences combined to make him feel that to become himself a Portuguese nobleman was the most magnificent ambition in the world. He longed to emulate the great captains and he realized that if ever he was to enter their company he must first he enrolled as a member of their faith, in which indeed he had become by reading and suggestion a whole-hearted believer. Inspired by this double motive, one Sunday in 1619 when the community came out after vespers, he went to the Prior and told him the time had come for him to be baptized. The Prior in pursuance of his careful policy would not immediately agree but after the matter had been further discussed by the Fathers of the convent of St.Nicholas, a feast day was selected and with great pomp and magnificence the prince and his sister were bapised. She was given the name Petronilla and he was christened Martin, an old family name of Portugal. As Dom Martin, the Portuguese noble, he is known from this date. It is now necessary to glance for a moment at Sandwip and Arakan to see how the political situation there had changed during the seven years spent by Dom Martin at Hugli. The fall of Chittagong had changed the fortunes of Gonsalves Tibau. As long as Min Mangri was Viceroy, the pirate-king was assured of a dominating position at the head of the Bay. With his death and the appointment of a new Viceroy strictly under the control of the King of Arakan, his position was threatened. He realized that it was a fight to the death between him and Min Khamaung, the King. As he was certain that the Arakanese would choose an opportune moment to send a strong force against him, he planned to forestall their attack and by some startling and particular exploit cause them to decide to leave him alone. With this object in view he proposed in 1616 to sack the capital Mrauk-U itself. As this was beyond his powers alone, he sent an emissary to the Viceroy of Goa, Dom Jeromyno de Azevedo, representing to him that a sudden onslaught upon Mrauk-U by the combined fleets of Sandwip and Goa would probably be successful and that as Mrauk-U was the richest city in the Bay, much treasure might be expected. This proposition illustrates the quality of the Portuguese eastern empire in 1616. It was clearly hastening to its end when a pirate-king could enter into negotiations with the Viceroy and plan with him to make a sudden descent upon with him to make a sudden descent upon a city with which Portugal was at peace. Dem Jaromvno accepted Tibau’s proposal and sent a fleet consisting of sixteen ships under Dom Francisco de Menezes Roxo. The rendezvous was the mouth of the Kaladan river, the present Akyab harbour. Tibau arrived with fifty ships and the combined fleet of sixty vessels proceeded up the river. It was the month of November, the beginning of the cold season, and as is the case at that time of year, the weather was clam and bright. Mrauk-U lies fifty mines from the sea and the final approach to it is a network of narrow creeks. The Portuguese project was in fact ludicrous. Mrauk-U was impregnable from such an attack by ships. The Portuguese had not smallest chance of success and their plan must have been conceived in complete ignorance of the terrain. They were not to get very far. Somewhere in the neighbour-hood of the Urritaung Pagoda the Arakanese fleet attacked, assisted by certain Dutch vessels which happened to be in the port. The engagement was hot and long. To begin with the Portuguese had the advantage of the tide, which was flowing up and assisted them in pressing the attack. But towards evening Dom Francisco, the Viceroy’s admiral, was killed by a musket ball in the forehead and with the turn of the tide Portuguese broke off the battle, headed for the of open sea and returned to Sandwip. The Viceroy disgusted with so ignominious a failure would not hear of a second attempt and withdrew his ships. Some of Tibau’s own men, seeing that he was now isolated, deserted him. Min Khamaung followed up his victory. A strong force was sent to Sandwip. The island was taken. Gonslaves Tiabu escaped the massacre but he was a ruined man and appears no more in history. Such were the events which had occurred during Dom Martin’s seven year novitiate at the convent at Hugli. Their effect was to make him entirely dependent upon the Portuguese of Hugli for his future. His relative Tibau, his elder sister who had married Tibau’s son, the resources of Sandwip, interest with the inhabitants of Chittagong, all had gone. His uncle Min Khamaung was firmly established on the throne Mrauk-U. In such circumstances it is easy to perceive why he turned his mind away from his own country which offered him no prospects and as time went on began to concentrate it upon carving out a distinguished career among the Portuguese. As stated above he was thirteen years of age when he became a Catholic. Shortly after this the Hugli Fathers, who now began to regard him seriously as one of their nation, decided that for a youth of such promise Hugli was too restricted a sphere and wrote to the Viceroy suggesting that he should be invited to Goa and there presented at the Viceragal court in conformity with his rank. This was sanctioned and accompanied by his beloved master Father Antonio de San Vincente, he went to the capital of the Indies. There they lodged him in the convent of Our Lady of Grace, but he also frequented the court and by mixing with the noblemen in the Viceroy’s suite, he completed his education. He seems to have been a young man of open and engaging manners, magnanimous and high spirited and after five years residence in Goa, at the age of eighteen he found his taste for the profession of arms had grown so strong that he begged the Viceroy to give him a commission in the Navy. This request was granted; he left the convent of Our Lady and began his service as a cadet under the personal supervision of that old master of the military art, Captain Freire de Andrada, General of the Straits of Ormuz. This important event in his life took place about the year 1624, who years after his uncle Min Khamaung had died and his first cousin Thirthudhamma had succeeded to the throne of Arakan.Title: Dom Martin 1606 -1643, The first Burman to visit Europe.
Author: M. S. Collis in collaboration with U San Shwe Bu

Thursday 30 October 2008

The Summary of Arakan Liberation Party(ALP)


Emergence of Arakan Liberation Party

In December 1784, Burmese worriers illegally annexed the Rakhing Kingdom and they destroyed huge cultural heritage and wealth.Since then, the Rakhing Kingdom became a protectorate under Burmese colonialists.

Later, the lives of Rakhing people have deteriorated day by day because of Burmese imperialist oppression. Nevertheless, the firm imprint of the past history of the glorious Rakhing Kingdom still remains in their mind.
The Rakhing peolpe have serious aspirations to restore their own sovereignty that even lost for over the past 20 decades. This aspiration can never be remove from the heart of Rakhaing nationals. Inspired with patriotism, generation by generation,Rahkaing people are continuouAdd Imagesly struggling againt the Burmese imperialists for the liberation of Rakhing Nation and nationals from the yoke of colonial slavery.
Due to brutal oppression by the Burmese successive imperalist rulers, Rakhaing nationals are still uneducated, poor and undeveloped despite long duration of the Rakhaing revolution of resistance to the Burmese colonialists since 1784. However, the indorn spiritual power of Rakhaing people has not been effaced.
This power inspired the emergence of Arakan liberation Party (ALP) that was successfully established at hlaing Township in rangoon on 9th April 1967. A 15- member Central Committee of the ALP was unanimously made up an active group of Rakhaing patriot youths. And Mr.Khaing Pray Thein was the first President of ALP.


The First Movement of ALP


ALP first obtained an agreement of assistance the Karan National Union (KNU) to from the Arakan Liberation Army (ALA), an armed-wing of ALP.Then on 26th November 1969 while ALP person were trying to do organizing people, recruiting manpower and collecting arms & ammutions, the Burmese army arrested Mr. Khiang Ray khaing, Central Committee member of ALP along with ( associates at Sittwe, the capital of Arakan state in Burma for the first time.
Later, on 2nd december 1968 Mr. Khaing Soe naing, General Secretary of ALP was also aressted by the Burmese army at Rathedaung township, Rakhaing stste in Burma.
After those arrests, Mr.Khaing Moe Linn, Asst. General Secretary and some other member of ALP were also arrested in Rangoon. In point of fast, only Mr.Khaing Pray Thein, President of ALP remained inthe KNU area.As a result, the party's organizing & political activities were totally stopped.
The imperialist enemy oppressed and tartured caotives in various manners in prison. Fortunately, although they were held in captivity for years, they were eventually set free from prison.

*The Second Formation of ALP



In 1971-72 the capitives were respectively released from prison under consideration of amnesty. As soon as he was discharged from prison, Mr. Khaing Moe Linn left for Kumura to meet KNU leaders in order to re-form ALP & ALA.
In 1973-74 ,the ALP & ALa headed by Mr.Khaing Moe Linn could be re-fromed by the help of KNU President Mhan Ba San and General Mya. Mr. Khaing Ba Kyaw was General Secretary of ALP at thet time. In spite of various hindrances & diffculties, within two years, over 300 cadres of ALA personnel were gwthered and received the political & military training.
In June 1976, 120 strength of ALP column steered by Mr. Khaing Moe linn, President of ALP and Chief commander of ALA, made a long march to the Fatherland, Rakhaingpray(Arakan Nation).
After passing through Thai-Burma border, Karen state, Karenni state, Shan state, Kachin state & Sagaing division inside Burma, the ALP troops entered between chin state of Burma and Manipur state of India. In April & may 1977 they faced confrontation with the Indo-Burmese armies and strated gunfire with them there.Throughout the long march in China, they had to open fore with the said armies more than 20 heavy gun-battles.
Due to more than 20 heavy gunfights, ALP troops were split up into small groups and then over ten soldiers of ALA including President Khaing Moe Linn were killed, around fifty arrested, nearly forty laid down their arms to Indian and Burmese armies, and over twenty lost on the way during those heavy gun-battles respectively.
from the arrest & surrender of ALP soldiers, over 30 were brutally shot death by the Burmese army without trial and 54 were court-martialed and charged with State rebellion case under Artcle no. 122(1) & (2). Of them,11 people were sentenced to death and the rest 43 to life imprisonment. In this time also, all activities of the party such as political, militry and organizing etc. were absolutely stopped again.

*The Third Formation of ALP

In 1980 ,all ALP personnel were released from Mandalay Jail under consideration of amnesty. In 1981, ALP & ALA headed by existing President Khaing Ray Khaing was re-formed in Komura area where the KNU special regiment (101) stationed. ALP got some assistance from the KNU. Now we (ALP) are joing hands in good co-operation with KNU, National Democratic Front (NDF)
and then actively working in Arakan (Rakhaingpray) & along the borders such as Thai-Burma. Indo -Arakan and Bangla-Arakan bordering areas.

*The So-called Union of Burma

On 4th January 1984, burmese bacame an independent state from the British according to the unity of all nationalities and the basic principles of the Panglong Agreement adopted by General Aung San and nationalities, leaders.Although they had agreed to build the genuine federal Union that all nationalities must have equal right of their respective nationals politically, the so-called Union of Burma was constituted and states power has been monopolized by the majority of Burmese ruling classes since independence. They (Burmese rulers) always deny giving for national rights of other nationalities and accepting for yje Panglong Agreement that was made on 12th February 1947.
When Burma was occupied by the Japanese, Rakhaing national leaders and entire Rakhaing people organized armed-resistance to the Japanese with sacrificing of numerous lives. When the British re-entered after the Janpanese with sacrificing of numerous lives. When the British re-entered after the Japanese Fascist had been driven out, the Rakhaing people joined hands with all other nationalities in the struggle of independence. In this struggle ,Rakhaing never put up their national interest only in the front , but always worked for the liberation of entire Burma.Nevertheless, under as Myanmar, The Rakhaing people who carried the heritage of an Independent Kingdom were not given even an autonomous stste.
Due to those circumstances above-mentioned, more than 50-year-long civil war, which deteriorates the political stabilites and economic development , has been going on. In 1962 , General Ne Win captured state power in military coup and also his descendant General Saw Maung seized again by that way in 1988. Yet, they couldn't implement their plans and only day by day due to the oppressive imperialists and military dictatorship.


*The Stand of ALP

The ALP believed that the current crisis in Burma will carry to the Independent in or genuine Federal Union, which is the goal of all nationalities. However, the Burmese military so far.
The ALP therefore hopes that it will be no longer to restore democracy & human right in Burma if democracy-loving countries' forces help us in every kinds of way.

*The Goal

*TO regain sovereign power of Rakhaingpray (Arakan Nation) that lost in 1784.

The Aims & Objectives

* To establish an Independent State of Rakhaing Republic in which must be guarantee for national freedom & human development of entire people living together within the Fatherland (Rakhaingpray); and

* To build neo-life of entire people within the Fatherland in which must be the full democracy ,Unity,
peace & development without exploitation.

Thursday 9 October 2008

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (12)

XII.TABAUNG

Peom by :Okker Pyun


To-day I took early the forest path;
There adry wind was driving the withered leaves;
But already the new sprays were on the boughs,
So green,that tears came to my eyes.
By the pathside were all the flowers of tabaung,
Each in his choice, please , like a gem well set,
The Silver flower, the Flower-of-a hundred-passions,
And many more, the forest flowers of spring.
So in the mild air, neither hot nor cold,
Hushed by their odours,prayerfully i went,
Plucking now here,now there a pre-cious flower.
With these I mounted the Pagoda steps
And laid them at the knees of the Exalted.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (11)

XI. TABODWE

Peom by:Okker Pyun


To-day was the festival of Tug-of-war:
The cold had gone;through the mild evening air
Holiday crowds entered the capital,
Singing heir old songs to the old-time tunes,
Till the whole city was full of their songs.
Laughting and shouting in lightheartedness,
Groups of them gathered at the tugs-of-war,
Settling their friends and sisters ready in line,
Urging the girls to grip well on the rope
And the boys to give a strong pull together.
So for hours they were happy nad hight spirited,
In bright clothes, very bright in their ornaments,
The beat of the band-music always hight
When a new tug began or the victors danced.
Night advanced; the moon rose overthe city.
The streets were still full of the same mad crowd
That posed and pironetted,shouting jests,
Not one of them with any thought of sleep.
I sat on watching;midnight was long gone;
The morning cocks were crowing ;still I lingered,
More saddened now by reason of their joy.
But suddenly the sun burst out of ground,
ROusing thebirds making them hop and strentch,
Open their wings and wheel above the tops,
And fill the forest motning with their songs.
My eyes went after them.I saw beyond
Flowers everywhere on the tree and every bush
A fire of flowers, the same wild flowers of spring
I'd plucked a year go with such fond prayers,
With such fond hopes had laid before the Exalted-
Fond foolish hopes, for you have not come back.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (10)

X.PYATHO

Poem by :Okker Pyun

This is a cold winter than last year,
Abright sun,but a north wind,and a mist
In the mornings like a blanket of wooly cotton;
And though I settle cloth screens round my shiver.
If only you were back with me again,
Wearing the gold chain I rememder well!
I can exactly see you as you looked
The morning when you left me and set out,
Your eye as large and liqud as s planet,
But in your air something obscure and lofty.
There is a region where sun never shines,
The icy valleys of the Himavanta;
The lake Anawdatta there overflows
The rock Tilangana the nount Trisana:
From those strange mountain places winds are blowing,
That wreak their cold on me and writing my heart
With longing for your safe and quick return.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (9)

IX.NADAW
Poem by:Okker Pyun

FLowers of nadaw have come,but nights are cold,
Savagely coid for one who waits alone,
Her poor mind fluttering ,as she longs to feel
The close warmth of your arms consoling her.
Sleepless she lies now through the bitter nights,
Fixing her thoughts on you,but cold to the bone,
Why do the Nats who inhabit the Six Regions
Alow so cruel a cold to chill us here?
Night after night I have complained to them,
Till I am weary complaining; they do not hear.
Wherefore I raise my hands in the form of a bud,
Wherefore appeal over the Nats to Buddha,
To those two certain Shaps of Him that exist,
To Manamuni,which lies beyond the City,
And to Sutamini in Tavatimsa,
Which is beyond the cities of this world.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (8)

VII.TASAUNGMON
Peom by: Okker Pyun

Thesign of Tasaungmon is a chilly wind.
Still festivals and fairs are in every village:
Those who would worship the Sutamuni
Set up a bamboo sixty cubits in height
And run a rope of lamps to the top of it,
With music and the rhythm of rural song.
That I could offer up such lamps with you!
Day in, Day out, mu prayers for your return
Have gone to the holy relics of the Buddha.
But no one hears me ,no one sends you back,
Though the north-eastern wind is cold and bites
Me though the blankets.Will you never come!
I hope no longer without hope exist,
A wretched woman, hardly touching food.
Taking no drink,in mind and body ill,
Utterly miserable, like one half dead.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (7)

VI.TAWTHALIN
Poem By:Okker Pyun.


The last of the rain drops feebled aways:
Tawthalin's ripening glow spreads throough the land;
On every hillside patch of rice men laugh:
From every hilltop garden they scare birds:
Watching the crops go yellow ,they are cheered.
The farmer's house is gay with talk and friends:
Birds song and bee-drone swell the hum of gladness:
filled with all sounds the forest trembles with life,
And he that walks in it , feel no fatigue.
Ah, Love, all the-thoughts, all the old longings
Of so many minths rise and assail me now;
It is in the time of Tawthalin we two
Could lie down side by in this bed of mine,
I'd have you as close by me as the gem
That rests upon my throat; not the Abodes
Of Tavatimsa could yield me more bliss,
For we'd be indivisible and one.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (6)

Poem By :Okker Pyun.
V.WAGAUNG
Wazo indeed was wet,but in Wagaung
A rain a torrent rushes out of Heaven,
Filling the hollows,falling day and night
On field-embankment,flooding every land
That lies by river fringe or forked creek-side
A sea-born rain that south-west winds renew,
Sucking it from the ends of adark sea,
Lit of no sun, but by the flares of lightining,
When thundercrushes louder than heavy weaves.
If suchrain ceased and paddy fields lacked water,
The offer of right gifts to the King of heaven
Could certainly invoke it back again.
But you nor prayer nor grief brrings back to me:
Your hearts is harder now than it was once:
Cold days are near -Oh can you still forget!!
Dear love,come back ! IPlead with you-Come back!

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (5)

Poem by; Okker Pyun.
IV.WAZO
Summers is far departed rain increase;
The sky was overcast of a sudden to day
And I heard thunder rumble and thought of you-
Your princess thinks only of love of you'
How the time hurries' Monks prepare for Lent
Already in wonderful monasteries of the Jungle;
The Sun-King shows himself no more in the sky,
And rain falls all day long,though with head bowed
I have besought the king of Heaven to spot it,
For such rain damps the heart with you a way.
My bed is cold and humid,half my bed,
Your half ,and I look on it ,I weep.
Lying awake,oppressed by anxious thoughs,
Listenung to distant drums and cymbals struch
far off in the midnight streets or temple-yards,
My sadness growing till the first cock-crow
And wild mingled notes of early birds.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (4)

Poem by; Okker Pyun.
III.Nayon
Last month the Monsoon struggled to break loose;
But now free rasin-wind has set south west,
A wind of clouds, which rise from a dark sea
And hang in flods of black over the land.
Heavy showers fall now, rain spills on earth,
And country men look to their ploughs and cattle;
The birds.with theip fat fledglings close bahind,
And fly away,wing wing, happy and fond.
These sights the cattle plough, the waiting field,
The play last night of lightining in the leaves.
How can i live without you a whole year?
I am distracted with the dismal thought.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (3)

II.KA SOM LA
Poem By :Okker Pyun.
The water feast is pest; a new moon waxes;
Still my thoughts follow you incessantly.
Everywhere doves are cooing:through the leaves.
The light seems every colour of gay green.
Or misty showers oass ocer in thin drizzle.
But all these only make my heart more sad,
For thinking I must see them without you,
So that three pasts of the night I often lies
Wakeful and wishing you were by me here,
That we might wather together the moving sky,
See the Rain-king narshall his thunder clouds
And make his lightning flicker;see the Sun-king,
In His rich coat of thousand scarlet flames,
Drive out and set horses at agailop
In ciruit of Mount Meru:on the summit
The King of Henven sits,smiling at this,
Until an amber rod in his left hand.
His right upon a sword,he shouts again.
At once the Rian -King summons back the clouds,
Darkens the sky,darts lightning everyehere,
And ashower rushing down settles the dust.

An Arakanese Poem of the 16th century (2)

An Arakanese poem of the 16th century
By:Okkar Pyan,
Translated By:Maurice Collis.

VII. WAGYUT
Wagyut is in ,the month of festivals,
The time of pleasures and gladness in the country.
Some make umbrellas,wrop up rice in jack-leaces,
All these they offer to pagogas and images:
Some observe also the Fine and the Eight Precepts,
Doing mush charity as befits a Buddhist:
Others betake themselves beyond the city.
And there together swill down pots of drink
Till all the drunk and some abuse each other,
Some fight among themselves and some are sick:
And other make cooked rice into pagodas,
Stand in aring and sing old songs in chorus,
Clapping the time with bamboos and with hands.
So they keep festival throughout the country,
And where in noise,confusion and music
Procession pass to the pagoda -hill.
Such was the end of lent.The mist still hangs
A half seen wrapping ,till the north winds blow
From the unmelting snows of Himavata.
Love, Love,had you known all my love for you,
Wouid you have stayed from me so long a while?
Come back-I beg you on my kneed-Come back!
Me through the blankets.Will you never come!
I hope no longer without hopeexist,
A wretched woman,hardly touching food.
Taking no drink,in mind and body ill,
Utterly miserable,like one hafdead.

An Arakan Poem of the 16th century (1)

By : Okkar Pyan.
Translated By :Maurice Collis.

I. TAGU La.
Let's me recite my prayer with lifted hands.
Tabaung is over and gone: Tagu be gins;
The New year comes;but I am sorrowful,
For you are far from me at aforeign court.
The rains will soon fall,but you have not written;
No Ward,No message of love has come from you.
Have you no longing to return at this season?
I heard bird sing in the forest to-day;
its voice was my voice ,calling you to come back.
What if the king of Heaven from his seat on Mount Meru
Should hear and transport you suddenly to me?
Would we not go together to the Water Festival?
This year the boat-races are on the Thinganaddi,
South of the city Golden Mrauk-U.

Monday 29 September 2008

Sunday 28 September 2008

Tribal Labguages.

Bangladesh has over thirty tribes most of whom live in Rajshahi, Chittagong, Chittagong Hill Tracts, greater Mymensingh, Sylhet, Patuakhali and Barguna. With some exceptions, 2-3 million tribal people speak their own languages. The well-known tribal languages are Chakma, Garo, Khasia, Magh, Manipuri, Munda, Oraon, and Santali. Other tribal languages are Kachhari, Kuki, Tipra, Malpahadi, Mikir, Shadri and Hajan.
Over 100,000 people in Rangpur and Sylhet speak Oraon. The highest number of Oraon speaking people live in Rangpur and the lowest number in Sylhet. The Khasias, who live in the hilly and forest areas of Sylhet division, speak Oyar. A small number of Sinteng and Lalang tribes also live in these areas and they speak their own languages.
The garos, living in greater Mymensingh and in the hilly Garo region of Meghalaya in India, speak hilly Garo or Achik Kata. Some Garo-speaking people also live in Rangpur, Sunamganj and in Sripur of Dhaka district. Over 300,000 people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts speak Chakma. The Magh language, which originated in Arakan, is spoken by over 200,000 people in Bangladesh. The Manipuri language was first spoken in Srimangal about 250 years ago. At one time, it was also spoken at Tejgaon in Dhaka, Durgapur, and Kasba in Comilla. Currently, about 50,000 people in the districts of Habiganj, Maulvi Bazar, Sylhet and Sunamganj speak Manipuri.
About 15,000 to 20,000 people in Bangladesh speak Munda. The highest number of Santali speaking people live in the northern region. More than 50,000 people in north Mymensingh and Tangail speak Hajang and some Kachharis speak their own language. In Chittagong and the Hill Tracts the oldest tribes are those who speak Kuki, Tipra and Magh. In the Hill Tracts about 2,000 Murong and Riyang speak tribal Tipra. At one time a large number of Tipra-speaking people used to live in the Lalmai hills of Comilla. About 9,000 people in Bangladesh speak Malpahadi. Some people in Sylhet speak Mikir. Nearly 50,000 people of the tribes of Malo, Mahato, Ganju, Kolkamar and some oraon speak Sadri.
Despite the existence of these tribal languages, quite a few tribes have forgotten their own languages and now speak only Bangla. Many Tipras in the Hill Tracts and Chittagong speak Bangla. Some tribal people from other areas like Hadi, Pator, Koch, rajbangshi and bedey also speak Bangla. In all, more than 300,000 indigenous people speak Bangla fluently. Some tribal groups like bagdis and Bindis speak their own languages but these are very close to Bangla.
In terms of philology, prosody, folklore, idioms and phonology, the Chakma language is very close to Bangla. All the phonemes of Bangla are available in the Chakma language. This is also generally true of other tribal languages. But due to lack of written structure and dearth of students, no tribal language is part of the curriculum at schools. Educated tribal people use their own languages but write in the bangla script. It has not been possible to introduce Roman script in any tribal language. Except for Chakma and Magh, no other tribal language has a script.
Almost all tribal languages have rich folk literatures, consisting of poems and songs, fairy tales and legends of their past nomadic life. There are plenty of narrative plays, similar to maimensingha-gitika, in the Magh, Chakma, Khasia and Garo languages. The folk tales of the tribal languages have similarities with those in Bangla. For instance, some Garo folk tales are almost identical to the tales in Mymensinghgitika. The ballads in some of the languages of the Himalayan foothills are similar to those of Bangla folk literature. Their linguistic aspects are similar to those of early Bangla. The rhymes in Bangla and the tribal languages are similar in subject, rhythm and vocabulary. Puzzles in Oraon and Bangla are similar in character as well as in words and rhythms to Bangla ones. Lullabies in both languages are also very similar.
There are many tribes who are multilingual. Garos and Khasias are bilingual, that is to say, capable of speaking both in Bangla and in their own language. But santals and the Oraons cannot speak each other's languages. There are some other tribes in the Chittagong Hill Tracts similarly placed. In such cases they use Bangla as a lingua franca. Munda, Santali, Khasia, Garo, Oraon and Manipuri languages are very well organised and orderly, testifying to a developed past. Garo and Chakma languages have slight Chinese tone. There is a basic similarity between the Garo and Magh languages as both tribes have the same origins. Munda, Santali, Kol, Khasia, Garo and Kurukh are interrelated languages. Munda and Kurukh are regarded as the same language as the syntax and verbs of both are almost identical. Munda, Santali and Kol languages are even more ancient than the Aryan languages of India. Not all Bangla words have come from the Aryan languages. Most, in fact, have originated from Munda. Munda has also had considerable influence on Bangla's idioms, phonology, morphology, philology and syntax. The tribal languages belong to either Austro-Asian, Indo-Chinese, Chinese-Tibetan, Tibetan-Burman or Dravidian families. An admixture of these languages created a pidgin language in ancient Bango-Magadh which had Munda at its centre. This established the initial foundation of Bangla or the East-Indic family of languages. The tribal languages thus contributed immensely to the formation of Bangla. Some of the main tribal languages are described briefly in what follows:
Chakma language is more the most advanced of the tribal languages. Some old puthis are extant in this language. One of them, Chadigang Chara Pala was written on palm leaf. This puthi reveals that the Chakmas originated in Nepal and after roaming about in several Southeast Asian countries came to old Burma and Arakan before settling in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Their original name was 'Tsak', in the Arakani language they were called 'Chak', in the dialect of Chittagong 'Chamua', and in the Chakma language 'Chakma'.
The alphabets of the Chakma language are similar to the alphabets of Thailand's Ksmer, Annam Laos, Cambodia, Syam and South Burma. Tara, the scripture of the Chakmas, is written in the Burmese script. When spoken, the Chakma alphabet has a soft sound and is generally articulated from the bottom of the tongue. It is primarily based on sound and has a Chinese tone. In many respects (including philology, prosody, folklore, idioms and phonology) it is close to Bangla. All sounds of bangla language are also available in the Chakma language. Efforts are now being made to write the Chakma language in the Burmese or Myanmar script. A book of primary reading in Chakma has also been published from Rangamati. Its author is Nayanram Chakma.
There are many songs written in the Chakma language. These have been composed in colloquial Chakma. The language of the book Gozel Lama written by the Chakma poet Shivcharan in 1777 is almost like Bangla. Its introductory song is similar to those in purbabanga-gitika. Radhaman Dhanapadi and Chadigang Chara Pala are two important lyrical poems. The metres used in Chakmas and Bangla verse are almost similar. The syntax of the two languages are also identical. The numbers in Chakma language are pronounced as in Bangla. The minus symbol in Chakma is called 'farak' and the sign of multiplication is called 'duna'. The other symbols are the same in both languages. In the Chakma language s (anusvar) is called 'ek fuda', t (bisarga) is called 'dvifuda' and u (chandrabindu) is called 'chanfuda'.
Chakma folk literature is quite rich. It has many folklores and fables. A traditional folk song of the Chakmas is 'ubhagit'. Proverbs and traditional sayings are a unique feature of the Chakma language. These sayings mainly centre on farming, animals and birds, nature, society, religion and the mystery of the human body. These sayings in the Chakma language are called 'dagwa kadha'. In conjugation and declension present day Chakma language is close to Bangla, Assamese, Rajbangshi, Garo, Sanghma and Chittagonian. This language has 6 regional forms. Within the Chakmas different clans have their distinct dialects.
Garo language the Garo language is, undoubtedly, an unwritten language, albeit an ancient Aryan language. This is a very rich language and full of proverbs, idioms, songs, rhymes, oral narratives, folk-tales, palagan, etc. This language bears most of the history of the Garo people and their religious and cultural codes. Its vocabulary contains words borrowed from many different languages. The syntax, semantics, positions of cases and inflections, verbs and transformations of words in this language are all very systematic and resemble those of other developed languages. It is likely that this language has a long history. Some believe that the Garo language is a mixed form of Bangla and Assamese as it resembles both languages. Actually, it is a primary language.
Different dialects are found in the Garo language since the Garos are scattered in different regions of different districts. The Christian missionaries introduced Roman letters into Garo language and attempted to invent a script similar to the Chinese pictograph and apply them but without any success. The Garo language can be written in Bangla script without any difficulty. Now the Garo language is the family language of the Garo, but Bangla is their official language.
Khasia language is part of the Austro-Asiatic group of languages. In this language the tendency is to pronounce s as h, something also noticeable in some Bangla dialects. It has no alphabets nor is it written. In this language a village is called punji. The Khasia houses are clustered and that accounts for the name of punji. khasia has many dialects, although Linggam, Pnad and Wayar are the major ones. Pnad means hilly. Limgam is spoken in areas close to the Garo Hills and Pnad is spoken in a wide area on the east of the Khasia-Jaintia Hills. Limgam indicates Garo Hills and Wayar means valley.
At one time the Khasia language used to be written in the Bangla script. A part of the bible has been translated into Khasia and written in the Bangla script. Currently, the Khasia language of the Cherapunji region is being written in the Roman script at the initiative of the Christian missionaries of the Indian State of Meghalaya where it is the medium of instruction up to the high school level. This has however not been possible in Bangladesh as the Khasia population is small and live in scattered localities.
Magh langauge the language of the Magh people; a spoken form of Arakanese. It belongs to the Tibeto-Burman family, but also contains some elements of the Austro-Asian family. Chinese, old Burmese and Mizo languages are related to it, but its closset links are with Burmese.
Magh is a hybrid of Arakanese and Bangla. Once upon a time a repressive Burmese king forced about two-thirds of the Arakanese people to flee to the Chittagong region of Bangladesh. The intermixing of the two ethnic groups led to the development of the Magh language. The influence of Burmese is strong as Burmese was the lingua franca of the Arakan region. The Magh alphabet is known as jha. Each letter is named after a part of the human body. The letters resemble the pictorial Chinese alphabet.
A section of the Maghs in Arakan and Bangladesh speak Bangla. Baruas are basically Maghs but they speak Bangla. pali is the religious language of the Maghs. As a result, many Pali words have found their way into the Magh language, albeit, occasionally in distorted form: for instance, bhiksu, nibban, bihar, bhabna, dukkha, bassa (barsa). Some words in both languages are the same in pronunciation and meaning, for example, adya, madhya, upadhi and apatti etc. Some common words, however, differ in pronunciation and meaning. For instance, in the Magh language, grown-up children are called chogri, but in Bangla they are called chhokda and chhokdi. Some Magh words relating to kinship are similar to Bangla words, though some other words differ somewhat in meaning. In the local dialect, for example, baba and baji are words for father. In Magh, however, baji means uncle. The Maghs call a little girl ma, but in Bangla ma means mother, though a daughter is often endearingly called ma.
The Magh language has a limited number of words to mean relations. As a result, the same words are applied with derivatives to denote different relations. Many words relating to society, organisation, agriculture and domestic matters are common not only to Magh, Bangla and other tribal languages but also to many Southeast Asian languages. For example, the Magh words pida, turung (trunk), langi, dhuti and cheroot are pronounced in Bangla as pida / pidi, turang, langi / lungi, dhuti and churut. In the Burmese and Magh languages, the names of days, months and numbers are the same.
The Magh language does not have a creative literature but is rich in elements of folk literature such as tales, riddles, fables, ballads, ghost stories and stories of Buddhist kings and queens. The Maghs are very fond of listening to tales and songs, and, during the lean season, spend whole nights in story telling, singing, dancing and participating in paoye, plays acted in the style of Bangla jatra. Some stories have been written in the Burmese script.
Manipuri language is about 3,500 years old and belongs to the Kuki-Chin group of the Tibeto-Burmese stream of the Mongoloid family of languages. Up to the middle of the 19th century this language was known as Moitoi after the name of a tribe. In the original Moitoi there were 18 alphabets. Other alphabets were added later. Its alphabets, like the Burmese-Arakanese alphabets, are pronounced in accordance with the limbs of a human body. Its alphabets are similar to the Tibetan family. The Manipuri language began to be written in the Bangla script when vaisnavism assumed the form of the state religion during the days of Maharaja Garib Newaz in the 18th century. This trend continues still today. This was made possible because of the phonetic closeness of the two languages.
The first example of a lyrical composition in Manipuri language and literature was 'Ougri'. Prior to this a variety of love songs, proverbs and sayings, lyrical plays and ballads were current. The love songs are very poetic and are presented by youths in groups to the accompaniment of rhythmic songs and dances. Manipuri language has many martial songs and several plays, novels, short stories and poems have been written in it. Even epic poems have been composed in this language. Some well-known Bengali and western books as well as ramayana and mahabharata have been translated into Manipuri. In the Indian state of Manipur it is an official language and it is one of the national languages of India. George Gordon's A Dictionary of English, Bengali and Manipuri published towards the middle of the 19th century was the first printed book in Manipuri.
Manipuri is a hybrid language. It is spoken by about 2 to 2.5 million people in Bangladesh, Tripura, Assam and Myanmar. Nearly half a million Manipuri speaking people live in greater Sylhet. However, Manipuri is not taught in the schools of Bangladesh as the Manipuris are dispersed over a wide area.
Munda language It belongs to the Austro-Asian group of languages and is more ancient than the Aryan language. It was the basis of the Oriya, Assamese and Bangla languages. It has links with Khasia, Garo, Santal, Kol and other similar tribal languages. Innumerable Munda words are found in Bangla, especially in its regional dialects. The Munda language has had an influence on Bangla speech forms. Bangla words relating to agriculture housework, habitation, counting, family relationships, weights and measures, land, animals and birds and trees are derived from the Munda language.
Since the Munda language was spoken over a vast region of India, it has numerous regional forms. Nearly 10 million people in areas of South Bihar and Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal speak this language. About 15,000 to 20,000 Mundas live in Bangladesh. The Munda language evolved amongst the Mundas about 3 to 4 thousand years ago as a Pidgin language to facilitate communication and livelihood between them. Later, it spread to other Southeast Asian countries through agriculture and superior hunting practices. In due course it took the form of an established language and still later it became a written language for literature.
Bangla has many similarities with non-Aryan Munda language in respect of phonology, aesthetics and poetical arrangements. There is an abundance of diphthongs in the Munda language; pronunciation of its words can also be nasal. There is also an abundance of reduplication of words; gender is indicated by adding appropriate words. There is a tendency in it to duplicate words to indicate plural. This feature is also noticed in Bangla. The case and case ending in both Munda and Bangla languages are almost similar. The origins of numbers up to 10 are the same in both languages. 'Hali' (four) and 'kudi' (score) are units of counting in both languages. Pronouns have no gender distinctions in either language. Mundari-English Dictionary, published by Christian missionaries, allows a wider understanding of the Munda language.
Oraon language the language of the Oraon tribe, known as Kurukh. It is a spoken language and has no written form. Literate Oraons write their language in other Bangla or Roman script.
Kurukh has a rich oral literature, with innumerable fables, fairy tales, ballads, nursery rhymes, riddles and popular sayings. Some tales and riddles are remarkably similar in form in Bangla and Kurukh. Variants of some Oraon fables are found in other tribal languages as well as Chinese.
Kurukh resembles the contemporary Munda language in vocabulary and syntax. According to Dr muhammad shahidullah, Munda and Kurukh are really the same language. Some words in Kurukh and the local Bangla dialect relating to household articles are similar. Earthen pots are called taoya in Kurukh, as in the local dialect. Some names of ornaments are common to Kurukh and Bangla, such as tikli, bala, payra, bali and kanpasha. Many words relating to relationships are also common to both languages: for example, ma, baba, mama, bhagina. The names of some shrubs, animals and fruits come from the same roots, but sound slightly different owing to the accretion or omission of some syllables: for example, amba for am, katha - kanthal, sim - shimul, sak - shak, dali - dal. Some religious words are also similar: the Kurukh bhagoyan is bhagaban in Bangla, the Kurukh bhagati is bhakti in Bangla, the Kurukh word bhut is the same in Bangla.
Santali language is a member of the eastern group of the Austro-Asiatic languages. The Austro-Asians came to the South Asian subcontinent about 10,000 years ago from Australia by way of Indonesia, Myanmar and Assam. About 10 million Santali speaking people live in the Santal Pargana of Bihar. About 1,25,000 Santals live in the West Bengal districts bordering Bihar and in Bangladesh's north-western districts of Dinajpur, Rajshahi and Rangpur. They speak Bangla fluently and have adopted many Bangla words for their own language. The origin of both Santali and Munda languages is the same and both are interrelated. The Santali language has two dialects - Nahili and Korku. The Santali language has no script of its own. In India, Santali is now written in Devanagari script and has absorbed many elements from Hindi. During British rule Santali used to be written in the Roman script. No Santali books are available in Bangladesh. But some Christian missionaries have opened one or two schools to teach Santali in Roman script. Educated Santals write Santali in both Bangla and English scripts but prefer to write in Bangla because of phonetic similarities between it and Bangla.
All sounds of Santali are also found in Bangla. There are other grammatical similarities too. As in the Munda language, vowels in Santali can be nasal. Gender is conveyed by using other words. Gender is also conveyed in Santali by using feminine inflection but this is an Aryan trend. In original Santali there is no scope for adding inflection at the end of words. In Santali different pronouns are used for animate and inanimate objects. The Santali, Kol and Munda languages are older than the Aryan languages. Many non-Aryan words have entered the Aryan languages. In Bengali and many of its regional dialects, many Santali words are in use in one form or the other. The origin of the Santali, its vocabulary and grammar have been discussed in books by Christian missionaries such as An Introduction to the Santal Language (1852), A Grammar of the Santal Language (1873) and PO Boding's Materials of the Santal Grammar (two volumes).
[Ali Nawaz].Bibliography Ali Nawaz, 'The Garo Hill Tribes of Bangladesh', The Tribal World & its Transformation, Bhupender Singh ed, New Delhi 1980; Tribal Cultures in Bangladesh, IBS, Rajshahi University, 1981; Yamada Ryuji, Cultural Formation of the Mundas, Takai University Press, 1970.

Sunday 21 September 2008

Arakan Turtle


The Arakan Forest Turtle (Heosemys depressa) is an extremely rare turtle species which lives only in the Arakan hills of western Myanmar.
The Arakan Forest Turtle was believed extinct (last seen in 1908), but in 1994 was rediscovered when a few specimens turned up in Asian food markets. Like most Asian turtles, it is collected yearly as a food source or for "medical cures." Only a handful of these turtles are in captivity, and their status in the wild, which is dubious at best, is listed as critical.
"The animals seem to be extremely difficult to establish in captivity," said Peter Paul van Dijk, director of the tortoise and freshwater turtle program for Conservation International. There are only 12 Arakan Forest Turtles in captivity in the United States -- at Zoo Atlanta, the St. Louis Zoo, the Miami Metro Zoo and River Banks Zoo and Garden in Columbia, South Carolina.
In May 2007 Zoo Atlanta, the only Arakan Forest turtle breeding facility in the world, announced the successful hatched of their fourth hatchling to have been born there in the last six years. They also announced that there is another egg near hatching, and two additional hatchlings did not survive. Arakan Forest turtles only mate once a year, and the eggs take 100 days to hatch.

Bangladeshis:Unwantsed guests in its neighboring countries

Bangladeshi illegal immigrants to its neighboring countries cause great alarm in India and Burma. The illegal immigrants’ issues have rocked Indian Parliament many times and caused strong protests from students, civil societies and many intellectuals. The illegal immigrants pose great danger to the Arakanese people in western Burma, and the large influx of immigrants without any check could endanger Arakanese or cause minority in their own land. Some humanitarian activists are supporting these illegal immigrants without taking account of venerable people whose populations are very small.
There were 67,906 tribal people out of the total population of 91,765 in 1876 in Tripura State in India (Naih). The tribal population of Tripura was reduced to minority people by these illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. In the 1991 Indian census, there were 353,345 tribal people out of 2,757,205 of total population (Naih). According to the Home Ministry’s statistics of India, there are 15 millions illegal immigrants in India from Bangladesh (Ved). According to Anand Kumar, there are around 20 million illegal immigrants. The Assam governor said that around 6,000 illegal immigrants are entering Assam everyday (Sandham). If the statement of the Assam governor is right, there would be 180,000 Bangladeshis a month and 2,160,000 a year. As India is a country with varieties of languages and people, it is hard to detect these illegal immigrants. The Bangladeshi immigrants speak Bengali, and India already has Bengali speaking people in India.
The 2001 Bangladesh census states that there are 123.1 million people with a density of 834 people square kilometer. The population could be doubled to 250 millions by 2050 (sdndbd.com). The area of Bangladesh is 144,000 square kilometers. The Bangladeshi population is increasing immensely. Since 1965, the annual population growth has been estimated around two to three per cent. The reason for the enormous population growth in Bangladesh is that the Islamic law permits polygamy, and it is prevalent in Bangladesh (O’Donnell). Bangladeshis also take pride in having many children to provide cheap labors instead of quality of life. According to O’Donnell, most girls marry at the time of puberty or soon afterward. He further states that the government does not keep family planning as a priority. The initiative of family planning called “Family Planning Association” was twenty-first in the list of government priorities.
As illegal immigrants are increasing, the chief ministers from five states in the north eastern states of India asked the federal government to increase security along the international borders (Illegal). For political reasons, these illegal immigrants got voting rights in India, and they are the vote bank of certain political parties. The Supreme Court of India issued notices to the federal government of India and federal Election Commission on 10 December 2004 to strike off the names of these illegal immigrants from voters’ lists (Reddy). The federal government of India took up the issues with Bangladeshi government, but there has not been much result. In January and February of 2003, the Union Home Minister urged the Bangladesh government to take back its people from India. APJ Abdul Kalam, the president of India also voiced his concerned over the illegal immigrants at the joint session of federal parliament (Pathania).
The government of India took many initiatives to protect its border from intruders or illegal immigrants. It decided to fence its border with Bangladesh, a project that is to be completed by 2007. The government also established ‘border management’ within its ministry to focus attention on border related issue. The government has also decided to issue national identity card to track down illegal immigrants.
Contrast to Indian government, the Burma government has done nothing much to check illegal immigrants. The district of Buthi Daun and Maung Daw in western Burma are now dominated by illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Now, these illegal immigrants are spread all over to Arakan State and other parts of Burma. The illegal Muslims are now claiming themselves to be of the “Rohingyas tribe,” but many Arakanese claim that there is no such word or people in Arakan history. The Arakan National Council, the apex body of political parties and civil societies of Arakan, has not recognized “Royingyas” and there is no “Rohingyas” in the list of ethnics group in Arakan National Council website. In 1978, the Burmese government expelled 200,000 to Bangladesh (O’Donnell).
There are several reasons that cause large number of migrate to its neighboring countries. The first reason is a basic need. As the population is so large, food and shelters become scare because Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries in the world. The other reasons are economics and politics. After 1970s, there was political instability in Bangladesh (Datta). There is less employment opportunity and the neighboring countries are better in economics than Bangladesh. In Arakan State in Burma, they farm, fish and perform other prosperous economic activities.
Unless the Bangladesh rejects Islamic laws of polygamy and enforces effective family planning, population will be growing. The growing population will make the country lag behind other countries, and it can also provoke its neighboring countries on the issue of illegal immigrants, because Bangladeshis will migrate to India and Burma as long as population is growing.
References
Arakan National Council. 25 Aug. 2005 .
Datta, Pranati. "Push-pull factors of undocumented migration from Bangladesh to West
Bengal: A perception study." The Qualitative Report 9 (2004): 335-357.
Naih, Mottoj K. "Mapping North East India''''s foreign policy: Looking past, present and
beyond." The Indian Journal of Political Science (2004): 636-653.
O''''donnell, Charles P. Bangladesh: Biography of a Muslim Nation. Boulder: Westview P,
1984.
Pathania, Jyoti M. "India & Bangladesh: Migration matrix-Reactive and not proactive."
South Asia Analysis Group. 17 Mar. 2003. 24 Aug. 2005
.
Sdnp. "Population explosion & Bangladesh." Sustainable Development Networking
Program. 11 July 2004. 24 Aug. 2005
.
Reddy, Balaji. "Bangladeshis - Is congress playing games with India''''s illegal immigration
problem to get more Muslim votes?" India Daily. 11 Dec. 2004. 25 Aug. 2005
.
Sandham, Oken J. "Will illegal migrants outnumber the people of north-east India in 20
years?" Asian Tribune 30 May 2005. 25 Aug. 2005
.
Ved, Mahendra. "Trade more with Bangladesh." The times of India 25 July 2005. 25
Aug. 2005

Thursday 28 August 2008

Moon Koon Ball is falling down.

Have you hear about that English child song,
"~~~London Bridge is falling down~~fallow down~~~"
That was a happily singing of my child life.
Although,Currently...I do change,
The lyrics is...
"~~~Monn Koon Ball is falling down ~~fallow down~~~"
That is true.....
It had been on 03 of August at Amrapura so call former
Capital city of Konebonn Dynasty.It was built ed by
invader Aloun Pha Ya(Nga Maung Wine) who was land
distribution to Arakan at 31/12/1784.It's a third biggest ball of
on the world.
Copper was forcefully bring from
Root of Maurk-Oo Place.Then over sixty thousands of
Arakanese people were killed at that colony war.
Also,Forty thousands of Arakanese were force labour to
built ed that it be come to the world biggest Moon Kone
Situpar (but that was never be done yet) and Matetheelar Dam.
So,I do singing to day ,
"~~~Moon Kone Ball is follow down~~follow down~~"

Friday 22 August 2008

I had been at THA HLA OO

I had been visited to thahlaoo.blogspot.com.
I do like a poem,
Let's see

"Talking about Visale Yet,
Although on hand about Wilseky".
Ha Ha,
I do sharing to every one....
Any way I like it,
I will talling that about later,

Wednesday 20 August 2008

Media Release from Burma Camoaign UK


For Immediate Release Monday 18th August 2008
Prisoner Release Must Be Priority For Gambari
Conditions Worsening for Burma’s Political Prisoners – Medical Treatment Denied
The Burma Campaign UK today called on UN Envoy Ibrahim Gambari to make the release of political prisoners a top priority during his visit to Burma this week.
The Burma Campaign UK is increasingly concerned by the worsening treatment for many of Burma’s 2,000 political prisoners. It has received reports from sources in Burma that the regime is now confining political prisoners to their cells without exercise periods, and is stopping families from bringing them extra food and other supplies to top up the meagre food rations. Most seriously, the regime appears to be systematically denying medical treatment to political prisoners.
“The release of political prisoners will be the benchmark by which Gambari and Ban Ki-moon will be judged,” said Wai Hnin, Political Prisoners Campaigner at Burma Campaign UK. “It is a normal first step when a country enters into political reform. If the regime are genuine about their claims they will reform, they should release all political prisoners immediately.”
The Burma Campaign UK is particularly concerned by what appears to be a systematic policy of denying medical treatment for political prisoners. Recent examples include:· Earlier this year Aung San Suu Kyi’s doctor was not allowed to visit her for three months.· Blocking Min Ko Naing from receiving treatment for an eye infection and a foot condition.· Refusing medical treatment to Myo Yan Naung Thein, who is suffering from partial paralysis. · Blocking adequate treatment and access to doctors to Mya Aye. Mya Aye is one of the 88 Generation leaders, and has a heart condition, having previously had a heart attack. He is kept in a small cell without adequate ventilation, which is causing him breathing problems.
Burma’s political prisoners in Rangoon’s Insein Jail are held in 8 by 12 foot cells with iron bars at the front. There is a small window but it does not provide adequate ventilation in a country where temperatures can top 45°C. An iron pot is provided as a toilet, which is emptied once a day. Wooden beds are infested with bugs, and even pillows are banned.
Political prisoners are fed low quality rice, fish paste and a thin soup made from leaves. Many suffer from health problems linked with poor nutrition.
Another of the 88 Generation leaders, Ko Ko Gyi, has a digestive problem and has lost his appetite because he has to use a bowl as a toilet which sits open in his small cell all day in high temperatures.
“The United Nations Security Council has said the political prisoners should be released, and Gambari and Ban Ki-Moon must make that happen,” said Wai Hnin. “We have had 20 years of envoys going back and forth with nothing to show for it. It is time they delivered concrete results.”

-- Mark FarmanerDirectorBurma Campaign UK28 Charles SqLondonN1 6HT
Mobile: 0794 123 9640Tel: 00 44 (0)207 324 4713Fax: 00 44 (0)207 324 4717E-mail mark.farmaner@burmacampaign.org.ukhttp://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/

Tuesday 1 July 2008

No School for Arakanese Students.


Souce by:Narinjara News
7/1/2008

Mray Bon: Students from a rural village in Arakan State have not had the chance to attend school since the term began on 1 June, after their school building was set on fire by unidentified local residents on 9 May, 2008.
A villager said, "My children can not go to the school at present because the school was set on fire by unknown people when the authority used the school as a polling center during the referendum period."
On 9 May, a group of unidentified villagers from Rauk Kon Village in Mray Bon Township in central Arakan State ignited the primary school building because the authority was using the school as a polling center.
The school was completely damaged and rendered unusable by the blaze, but the government authority has yet to repair the building for students.
"The school in our village was gutted after after burning, but the authority has neglected to rebuild it. I am really worried for my children's education as there is currently no school in our village," the villager said.
In Rauk Kon Village there are 80 households and over 100 children who would be studying at the primary school if it were open for classes.
The authorities arrested five youths in the village on suspicion of setting fire to the school, and they are currently being detained at the Mray Bon police lockup without any trial or hearing in process.
The arrested youths have been identified as Maung They Win, son of U Hla Maung; Tun Mra Chay, son of Maung Nge; Maung Kyaw Naing, son of U Kyaw Hla, Aung Shwe Mra, son of U Kyaw Tun Tha; and Maung Kyaw Tha, son of Maung Hla Sein.
The police at first arrested many people from the village, including the school headmaster U Sein Thaung and teacher Ma Khin Thein, as well as village chairman U Ba Thin Oo. All but the five youths remaining in custody were later released.

Sunday 29 June 2008

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Amnesty International Report 2008-Myanmar

UNION OF MYANMAR
Head of State: Senior General Than Shwe
Head of government: General Thein Sein (replaced General Soe Win in October)Death
penalty: abolitionist in practice
Population: 51.5 million
Life expectancy: 60.8 years
Under-5 mortality (m/f): 107/89 per 1,000
Adult literacy: 89.9 per cent
The human rights situation in Myanmar continued to deteriorate, culminating in September when authorities staged a five-day crackdown on widespread protests that had begun six weeks earlier. The peaceful protests voiced both economic and political grievances. More than 100 people were believed to have been killed in the crackdown, and a similar number were the victims of enforced disappearance. Several thousands were detained in deplorable conditions. The government began prosecutions under anti-terrorism legislation against many protestors. International response to the crisis included a tightening of sanctions by Western countries. At least 1,150 additional political prisoners, some arrested decades ago, remained in detention.
A military offensive continued in northern Kayin State, with widespread and systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. In western Rakhine State, the government continued negotiations on a large-scale Shwe gas pipeline, preparations for which included forced displacement and forced labour of ethnic communities.
Background
In September, the government completed drafting guidelines for a new Constitution, the second step in their seven-step "Road Map" for moving toward democracy. In December, the government appointed a 54-member commission of military and other officials to draft the Constitution. The National League for Democracy (NLD), the main opposition party, has not participated in this process since the early stages, and legislation criminalizing criticism of the process remained in place.
The government had ceasefires in place with the armies of all but three ethnic groups, but forced displacement, labour, and portering by the military continued in all seven ethnic states.
Following a visit by the Special Advisor to the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar, the Myanmar authorities met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi toward starting dialogue on national reconciliation, but the NLD party leader remained under house arrest, where she has been for 12 of the past 18 years.
Freedom of expression
Members of the NLD were subjected to harassment and threats all year, forcing many to resign from the party. Campaigners and demonstrators for democracy were arrested. In particular, the 88 Generation Students group (88G), formed in 2005 by former students active in the pro-democracy uprising in 1988, was targeted and threatened by the authorities.
With the economy already in decline, the government raised fuel prices exponentially in August, triggering peaceful protests across the country. When a group of demonstrating monks in Pakokku was attacked by the authorities in September, monks began leading the protests nationwide, primarily in Yangon, Mandalay, Sittwe, Pakokku, and Myitkyina. The authorities violently cracked down on protesters between 25 and 29 September. Monasteries were raided and closed down, property was destroyed and confiscated and monks were beaten and detained. Other protesters' homes and hiding places were raided, usually at night, and authorities took friends or relatives as hostages to put pressure on wanted persons and to discourage further dissent. The All Burma Monks Alliance (ABMA), a new group formed by the protests' religious leaders, became a main target. The authorities took photographs and recorded the demonstrations, later warning the public that they had these records and used them in their raids. The internet throughout Myanmar was cut during the crackdown, and when a small group demonstrated at the one-month anniversary of the crackdown. Journalists were targeted and arrested.
Killings and excessive use of force
Two members of the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters group were attacked by more than 50 people on 18 April in Ayeyarwaddy Division, causing their hospitalization with head injuries. Senior members of the village police and the Secretary of the Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA), a state-sponsored social organization, were reportedly present.
Thirty-one people were confirmed killed during the five-day crackdown on protesters in September although the actual number is likely to be over 100. Rubber bullets and live rounds were fired into crowds of peaceful demonstrators by state security personnel or groups supported by them. The total number of people killed or injured by gunfire was not known. Given eye-witness testimony of shots being fired from atop military trucks and from flyover bridges, as well as the profile of the victims, it is likely that the authorities deliberately targeted real or perceived leaders of the demonstrations.
*Thet Paing Soe and Maung Tun Lynn Kyaw, students at State High School No. 3 in Yangon, were shot and killed on 27 September.
*Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai was shot and killed at point-blank range on 27 September.
State security personnel and groups supported by them also beat protesters with sticks. Victims included monks as well as men, women and children who were either directly participating in the protests or onlookers. In some cases these beatings were administered indiscriminately, while in other cases the authorities deliberately targeted individuals, chasing them down to beat them.
*Ko Ko Win, a 22-year-old NLD member, died as a result of injuries sustained when he was beaten near Sule Pagoda in Yangon on 27 September.
Crimes against humanity
In Kayin State, a military offensive by the tatmadaw (Myanmar army) continued on a slightly lesser scale but still included widespread and systematic commission of violations of international human rights and humanitarian law on a scale that amounted to crimes against humanity. Destruction of houses and crops, enforced disappearances, forced labour, displacement and killings of Karen villagers were among the abuses.
Political imprisonment
Even before the large-scale demonstrations began in August, the authorities arrested many well-known opponents of the government on political grounds, several of whom had only been released from prison several months earlier.
Once the protests were underway but before the 25-29 September crackdown, more arrests of NLD and 88G activists took place – many of which were clearly a pre-emptive measure before the crackdown.
Mass round-ups occurred during the crackdown itself, and the authorities continued to arrest protesters and supporters throughout the year, making use initially of a three-week curfew in October. Between 3,000 and 4,000 political prisoners were detained, including children and pregnant women, 700 of whom were believed still in detention at year's end. At least 20 were charged and sentenced under anti-terrorism legislation in proceedings which did not meet international fair trial standards. Detainees and defendants were denied the right to legal counsel.
Ko Ko Gyi, Min Ko Naing, Min Zeya, Pyone Cho, and Htay Kywe, all 88G leaders, were released from detention without charge the day before the UN Security Council voted on a resolution on Myanmar in January. The first four were detained again on 21 and 22 August for participating in protests, while Htay Kywe – in hiding for about a month – was captured on 13 October.
Zargana, a comedian and former prisoner of conscience, was detained at the start of the crackdown on 25 September.
He was released on 17 October, only to be detained again for several hours days later.
Mie Mie and Thet Thet Aung, women leaders of the 88G, were arrested on 13 and 19 October, respectively. Both had participated in the demonstrations in August but had been forced into hiding. The latter's husband was also detained, as had been her mother and mother-in-law as hostages.
U Gambira, head of the ABMA and a leader of the September protests, was arrested on 4 November and reportedly charged with treason. Two of his family members who were previously detained as hostages remained in detention.
Su Su Nway, a member of the youth wing of the NLD, released in July 2006 after being detained for reporting forced labour to the International Labour Organization (ILO), was detained on 13 November while putting up anti-government posters.
Eight members of the ethnic Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) were arrested on 24 November reportedly on account of the KIO's refusal to publicly renounce a statement by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi regarding national reconciliation talks.
Prisoners of conscience and senior NLD leaders Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo, Daw May Win Myint and Dr Than Nyein, all held without charge or trial – the latter two since October 1997 – had their detention extended by the maximum term of one year. Senior ethnic leaders, such as U Khun Htun Oo of the Shan National League for Democracy, also remained in detention.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was permitted to meet three times with the Special Advisor to the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar, but was not released from house arrest.
Enforced disappearances
During and after the September crackdown, there were at least 72 confirmed cases of enforced disappearance.
Prison conditions
Following a deterioration of prison conditions in 2006, standards fell even further during the crackdown when the authorities detained thousands of people during the five-day period. Large-capacity, informal, secret detention centres were opened which failed to meet international standards on the treatment of prisoners. There was inadequate provision of basic necessities such as food, water, blankets, sleeping space, sanitary facilities, and medical treatment. The International Committee of the Red Cross was denied the opportunity to carry out its core mandate activities in prisons throughout the year.
Torture and other ill-treatment
During the crackdown, some detainees, including Zargana, were held in degrading conditions in rooms designed for holding dogs. Torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment including beatings in custody were reported. One detainee was made to kneel bare-legged for long periods on broken bricks and also made to stand on tiptoe in an uncomfortable position for long periods (known as the bicycle-riding position). Monks held in detention were stripped of their robes and purposely fed in the afternoon when their religion forbids them to eat.
Deaths in custody
An unconfirmed number of prisoners died in detention after the crackdown in September due to their treatment during interrogation.
Venerable U Thilavantha, Deputy Abbot of a monastery in Myitkyina, was beaten to death in detention on 26 September, having also been beaten the night before when his monastery was raided.
Ko Win Shwe, an NLD member, died in Plate Myot Police Centre near Mandalay on 9 October. Government authorities cremated his body before notifying his family, thereby preventing any confirmation of reports that he died as a result of torture or other ill-treatment.
From 27 to 29 September, a large number of bodies were reportedly burned at the Ye Way municipal crematorium in Yangon during the night. It was reportedly unusual for the crematorium to function at night, and normal employees were instructed to keep away whilst the facility was operated by state security personnel or state supported groups. On at least one night, reports indicate that some of the cremated had shaved heads or signs of serious injury.
International developments
The UN Security Council voted on a resolution criticizing Myanmar on 12 January, which China and Russia vetoed. On 26 February the Government of Myanmar reached a "Supplementary Understanding" with the International Labour Organization, designed to provide a mechanism to enable victims of forced labour to seek redress without fear of retaliation.
During the crackdown in late September, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) issued a critical statement on Myanmar, but allowed Myanmar to sign its new Charter in November. The UN Human Rights Council called a Special Session on 2 October and passed a resolution strongly deploring the crackdown on protesters. In November, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar visited Myanmar for the first time since 2003. Following this visit, the UN Human Rights Council passed another resolution, based on his report requesting a follow-up mission. The UN Security Council issued a presidential statement in October that strongly deplored the crackdown, while the UN General Assembly strongly condemned the crackdown in a resolution in December.
The Special Advisor to the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar visited Myanmar in October and November. The USA, EU, and other Western nations enacted or tightened sanctions.
In December, India reportedly suspended arms sales and transfers to Myanmar.
Amnesty International visits/reports
Amnesty International delegates visited the Thailand-Myanmar border in October and November.
Myanmar: Amnesty International calls for comprehensive international arms embargo (ASA 16/016/2007)
Myanmar: No return to "normal" (ASA 16/037/2007)
Myanmar: Arrests continue two months on (ASA 16/041/2007)
Topics: Torture, Torture, Crimes against humanity, Extrajudicial executions, Disappeared persons, Death in custody, Freedom of expression, Persecution based on political opinion, Prison conditions, Imprisonment,
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